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The Ages of Optimism

By Nicholas Timmins, the Financial Times

January 22, 2004

 

 

Life expectancy is on the increase. It has been for decades, but for decades actuaries - who tend to count conservatively and were reluctant to believe that the gains made in the 1980s and 1990s were going to continue - have been running to catch up.

Just how fast they have to go has been shown by the recent upward adjustment made by the government actuary whose latest projections have added between 10 and 13 per cent to life expectancy for those in their 60s and 80s compared with the figures being used just two years ago.

Slowly but surely the implications of this are becoming discernible for pensions, working lives and healthcare costs. But there is one area where huge uncertainties remain - the costs of social care.

Longer lives have big implications for pensions and work. Combine longer life with longer education - more people taking degrees, indeed more people taking second degrees before they start serious earning - and the equation that pitched normal retirement at about 65 is one that can no longer hold.

The days when people worked for 40 or even 50 years to fund a retirement that might last 10 years are being replaced by an equation where at most they will work 40 years to fund a retirement that may last 20 or even 30 years if they go at 65 - and that ignores the marked trend in the UK in recent decades for early retirement, both voluntary and involuntary.

As Adair Turner, chairman of the government's Pension Commission has been arguing, if pensioners are not to be poorer in old age, or if future workers are not to give up much more consumption to fund other people's old age, the average working life is going to be longer. There is an inevitability about it.

How much longer remains open to question, as does what sort of work. Will it be full-time, part-time or another form, such as flexi-working?

There is room for a lot of debate about how companies and employees are going to adjust to a world that asks big questions about when careers peak, and how older workers can remain engaged and productive. In a world where people's last job may not be their most senior, final-salary pensions may have to become career-average ones so that people can more easily downsize their jobs as they near retirement without downsizing their pensions.

The implications for healthcare costs are also becoming clearer - and they are far from disheartening. From around the world - specifically the US , the UK , Germany and the Netherlands - the evidence is mounting that by and large people are not only living longer but are also healthier.

Driven partly by healthier lifestyles, which makes it possible for people to work longer, and partly by fewer crippling manual jobs, disability rates in old age have been falling.

Far more is spent on healthcare for the elderly than for other groups: those aged over 85 consume 10 times more NHS resources per head than those aged five to 44. But much of this appears to be the cost of dying - the greatest expenditure comes in the last months of life as treatment is given to what prove to be untreatable conditions, and the heaviest expenditure comes regardless of whether people die in their 60s or their 90s.

Indeed there is some evidence from the US that "the cost of dying" is lower for the very old than for the merely elderly, possibly because events such as strokes that could leave a 70-year-old crippled for years are more lethal when they happen in very old age.

In other words, an ageing population, with many more people living into their 80s and 90s, will add to healthcare costs but not prohibitively. There is no reason to fear the "demographic time-bomb" on those grounds.

There is an important qualifier here. The studies that point to these conclusions have all looked at acute healthcare costs - the cost of medical interventions.

What is much less clear is the impact on social care provision: the cost of providing lower-level help with shopping, feeding, bathing and other normal activities of daily life where people may suffer disabilities that are not expensive in healthcare terms but need support - from help at home to sheltered accommodation. If this kind of support is absent, acute healthcare costs may result.

But here there are fewer good data on which to base a judgment. It was an issue that Derek Wanless looked at in his report on health spending, commissioned by the government, that provided the justification for the government's huge investment in the NHS.

No review of healthcare resources could be complete, he said, without considering the link between health and social care - but the data were lacking to make sensible projections.

He called for an immediate study of the likely trends. That was two years ago, and nothing has happened since.

It is work that needs to be done before we can be sure that we can love the bomb - the demographic one that is giving us longer and healthier lives - rather than fear it for the costs that it will bring.

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