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We'd just as soon leave Dan Rostenkowski alone in retirement. But it's too bad GOP House Ways and Means Chairman Bill Thomas didn't think about his Democratic predecessor while crafting the Medicare prescription drug benefit he was planning to bring to the House floor as we went to press last night. Mr. Rostenskowski, you'll recall, was chased by angry seniors in the late 1980s after passing catastrophic health coverage, the first entitlement they were ever asked to pay for. The outcry was such that Congress actually repealed it. But memories are short on Capitol Hill, where both parties are now engaged in a bidding war over another entitlement seniors probably won't like when they see it. The Republican plan sports a 10-year cost estimate well above what Al Gore dared propose during the 2000 campaign, and would be the biggest expansion of Medicare since its creation in 1965. Democratic plans would run as high as $800 billion. We'd like to say something nice about the $350 billion GOP proposal, which at least attempts to harness market forces to control costs and raises funding for reform demonstration projects like the Medicare Plus Choice program. But the drug benefit itself looks so lousy that Mr. Thomas and his House friends may want to save time and tape "Kick Me" signs on their backs for seniors to follow. Seniors would pay a $250 annual deductible and a $33 dollar monthly premium; they'd also pay 20% of drug costs up to $1,000, and 50% between $1,000 and $2,000. Coverage would then stop, unless yearly out-of-pocket expenses reach $3,700, after which the government would pay everything. The House Democratic proposal is more "generous," if you believe in fiscal miracles. It would cover all expenses after $2,000, with a $100 deductible, $25 monthly premium and a 20% co-pay. Democrats admit to the preposterous 10-year price tag of $800 billion, which is of course understated. Senate Democrats ($500 billion over seven years) are offering a $25-a-month plan with no deductible and fixed drug prices -- $10 for generics, $40 for brand names and $60 for "non-preferred" drugs -- up to $4,000, after which the government pays everything. The Republican plan appears a political loser: more complicated and less generous, but not fundamentally different from what Democrats are offering. Democrats are already demagoguing the GOP coverage "gap" or "doughnut," while calling it the "first step in a Republican plan to privatize Medicare." We wish. By proposing an add-on benefit of any kind, House Republicans are debating on the Democrats' terms and giving away the only carrot that might induce Congress to pass Medicare reform. A few years back a bipartisan commission led by none other than Chairman Thomas and Louisiana Senator John Breaux proposed having the government help seniors purchase comprehensive insurance (including drug coverage) on the private market, not drug-only plans. Changing Medicare from the current defined benefit to such a defined-contribution model may be the only hope of controlling Medicare costs, which even without drug coverage will consume more than 25% of all federal revenues by 2030. John Goodman of the National Center for Policy Analysis estimates that the House Democratic drug plan would raise Medicare's deficit to 35% of all personal income tax revenue by 2030. This cost explosion would guarantee that the politicians will restrict patient access and impose price controls down the road. (Senate Democrats, with their talk of "non-preferred" drugs, are already explicit about this.) Such policies have all but killed Europe's pharmaceutical industry, and they will mean inferior health care for seniors and everyone else as research budgets are slashed. With drugs playing an increasingly important role in modern medicine, it makes sense that Medicare should have a drug benefit. But seniors won't like it unless it's done right. About two-thirds of seniors already have some coverage, often far better insurance than what any of these plans would offer. But once the federal government assumes responsibility for giving seniors prescription drugs, employers will cut the coverage out of their retirement benefits. Then remember Rostenkowski. The good news, we suppose, is that none of these plans is designed to become law this year. The Democrats just want the issue to beat up Republicans this fall, while Republicans want to say they voted for something. But the health care of American seniors is too important to be left to such political cynicism. 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