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A Sickly Compromise for German Healthcare Reform
Germany July 4, 2006
Gesundheit.
The German word for "health" can be used when someone sneezes.
Which is perhaps appropriate considering Germany's Gesundheitsystem
-- that is healthcare system -- has long been sick. The country's
politicians have tinkered with it for years, but only this week did they
set about trying to dramatically reform part of the social welfare net set
up by Otto von Bismarck. Medical care in Germany might
still be excellent and affordable compared to some other industrialized
countries, but costs have continued to rise and the way health insurance
is financed -- via payroll contributions -- deters companies from creating
desperately needed jobs. Last year, Germany's public
health insurance companies spent €143.6 billion, a 1,005 percent
increase over 1970 expenditures. With daily turnover of €650 million,
Germany's medical industry has greater revenues than all of the country's
automobile manufacturers or energy companies taken together. Every tenth
euro spent in the country goes to a doctor, hospital, pharmacy or
pharmaceutical company. Indeed, the only country tracked by the
Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development that has greater
expenditures in the sector is the United States, which in 2004 spent 15.3
percent of its gross domestic product on health care.
The
surge in costs comes at a time when the German birthrate is decreasing,
the population is aging, fewer people are paying into the country's
elaborate social system and the costs of providing treatment are growing.
On top of that, the country has a two-class healthcare system that has
further complicated matters. The country's highest earners can opt out of
the public healthcare system and go with an often cheaper private insurer
instead. This means that of the 78.7 million Germans who are insured, 8.4
million of the country's highest earning individuals are not contributing
to the public-private national healthcare system. Private insurance
companies attract new customers with prices that are often below the
patient's actual health care costs, but as an insured person gets older,
that person's monthly premiums also increase. Both the conservatives of
Chancellor Angela Merkel and her junior coalition partners the center-left
Social Democrats (SPD) agreed the system needed an overhaul, but for
months, they were at loggerheads over the best way to do it. So instead of opting for a clear
plan, the ruling grand coalition opted for a sickly compromise after
Merkel and her colleagues emerged from an overnight bargaining session on
Monday morning. She called the planned reform a "true
breakthrough," but since then, nobody, not even the members of the
two ruling parties seem particularly happy with the deal. Instead of radically altering
the system -- for example, by financing it significantly via taxes, or
eliminating many of the duplicated bureaucracies of the state-funded
health insurers -- contributions that are roughly equally divided by
employers and workers will continue to rise from their current 14 percent
of an individual's salary. The compromise enables the coalition government
to neatly avoid imposing a hefty new tax (in recent days, SPD leaders were
calling for up to €45 billion in fresh taxation to support the costly
healthcare system) at the same time it is making a major three percentage
point increase to the country's value-added (sales) tax, taking it from 16
percent to 19 percent. A jumbled plan
Although
tax revenues will begin to play a roll from 2008, they will primarily be
used to cover healthcare costs for children. The government plans to
establish a new central fund that will be used to dole out money to the
country's some 250 state-backed insurers, but it will start out with only
€1.5 billion from the federal budget in the first year of the reform.
That will double in 2009, but even then there will still be a huge gap
with the €16 billion that children's healthcare is estimated to cost.
Any efforts to deal with that prickly matter have been pushed back to the
next legislative period. The ideological differences
between the conservatives and the SPD left the coalition unable to deal
with the question of what to do with Germany's private health insurers,
which generally cover the wealthy, civil servants and the self-employed
for often far less than the state insurance. Merkel's Christian Democrats
hailed their ability to limit the SPD's attempts to place a greater burden
on the private insurance companies. The Social Democrats were dead set
against a system based on a flat fee per insured, which could have helped
Germany lower its non-wage labor costs. But
it is exactly this jumble of models that makes German healthcare so
expensive and inefficient. And it is far from certain that the proposed
reform will increase competition or transparency enough to help rein in
exploding costs. In the end, Germany gets a
half-baked compromise that is loathed by an insurance lobby reluctant to
commit to any change, those who are insured who are opposed to higher
contributions and even the politicians themselves, who couldn't agree upon
the proper path for the future of the country's healthcare system. It also
raises the important question of whether Merkel's grand coalition really
has the courage to initiate the tough reforms Germany requires.
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