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By: Ouarraisha Abdool-KarimJournal of the American medical women's association December 2001 Objective: to determine barriers to the adoption of safer sex practices in women in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Methods: This cross-sectional survey was conducted in a peri-urban and a rural community in 1991 to 1993. A structured, pretested questionnaire was administered to consenting women age 15 to 44 years who had been drawn randomly from a 10% systematic sample of households. The questionnaire included the following items: demographic characteristics, sexual relationships, knowledge of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), perception of risk, knowledge of and skills with respect to safer sex practices, and perceptions of rights to safer sex practices. Results: A total of 219 interviews were conducted. Most respondents had an average of 8 years of schooling and were seeking employment. The majority of the respondents were sexually active (88.1%) and had extensive knowledge of modes of transmission and methods of preventing HIV/AIDS. Although most respondents underestimated their risk of HIV infection, a key reason for women not acting on their knowledge and perception of risk was that many did not believe they had a right to refuse sex with their partners (48.8%) or insist on condom use (46.1%). Most women thought their partners had a right to multiple partners (62.2%). Only 35.2% of respondents had the skills to object to their partners' having multiple partners, and 82.4% lacked the skills to use condoms. Conclusion: Women in these communities are at high risk of HIV infection. Their perceived lack of a right to safer sex, lack of skills to adopt safer sex practices, financial dependence on their sex partners, and the threat of violence influenced their ability to reduce their risk of HIV infection. (JAMWA. 2001;56:193-196) Women feature more strongly in this decade of the human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) pandemic than they did in the first. [1] Sub-Saharan Africa is unique in having more women than men infected with HIV. Biological factors enhance the transmission of HIV from men to women. [2,3] Social and contextual factors also increase vulnerability to HIV infection, [4-10] although empirical data remain limited. In the absence of such biomedical interventions as vaccines and microbicides, alternative strategies for reducing women's vulnerability to HIV infection are a high priority. A deeper understanding of barriers to the adoption of such safer sex practices as monogamy, abstinence, fewer partners, use of condoms, and treatment of sexually transmitted diseases (STDs) is an important first step in this regard. HIV was rare in the heterosexual population in South Africa before 1987, [11,12] but today it is experiencing one of the fastest growing epidemics in the world. [13] The rapidity with which HIV is spreading in the black, heterosexual population in South Africa is most reliably demonstrated by data from the annual, anonymous prenatal surveys that have been conducted since 1990 in selected public health facilities. The HIV seroprevalence among first-time prenatal clinic attenders has risen from 0.76% in 1990 to 10.44% in 1995 to 24.2% in 2000, with no signs of having reached a plateau. [14] HIV is distributed unevenly across the country, with the highest rates on the East Coast of South Africa. The HIV epidemic is most advanced in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, where the prevalence in 2000 was 36.2%. Community-based seroprevalence surveys conducted in rural South Africa between 1990 and 1992 found that HIV infection was 4 times more prevalent among women (1.6%) than men (0.4%), and that women become infected at younger ages. [15] Although more recent studies have shown a decrease in the gender difference over time (a 2.3-fold difference was observed in 1995), [16] infection remains substantially higher in women than in men. In the past 2 years, the increasing morbidity and mortality has transformed HIV infection from a silent, asymptomatic epidemic to a very visible epidemic that is devastating families and communities. [17,18] The South African government's response to this explosive spread of HIV includes public awareness campaigns, condom promotion, syndromic management of STDs, and life skills programs targeted at youth in school. The extent to which these strategies are used varies within and between urban and rural communities. Against this epidemiological backdrop and as part of
a larger study to ascertain determinants of women's increased
vulnerability to HIV infection in KwaZulu-Natal, [19]
this study explored barriers to the adoption of safer sex practices in
women at high risk of HIV infection in KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. Methods This study was conducted at 2 sites in the greater Durban area: Nhlungwane, an informal urban settlement, and KwaXimba, a rural community. Detailed descriptions of these sites have been previously reported. [19] All women age 15 to 44 in both communities were eligible to participate. Women interviewed were drawn from a 10% systematic sample of households. The first household was randomly selected and thereafter every tenth household was visited. The interviewer ascertained the number of women in each selected household and randomly selected 1 eligible woman for the interview. Interviews were conducted after consent was obtained from the selected individual. Data were collected in both Nhlungwane and KwaXimba from November 1991 to March 1993, using pretested structured questionnaires administered by trained field staff in the respondent's choice of either English or Zulu. The questionnaire was based on focus group discussions with men and women in both communities [19] and included items on: sociodemographic characteristics, knowledge of HIV and acquired immune deficiency syndrome (AIDS), safer sex practices, skills to adopt safer sex practices, relationship dynamics, perception of self and partner risk of HIV, perceptions of self and community values and norms relating to sexual behavior and sexual rights, and sexual decision making. Open-ended questions were coded for content and analyzed as categorical variables. Univariate analysis of the data was undertaken using EpiInfo (CDC, Atlanta). The study was approved by the Ethics and Professional Standards Committee of the Faculty of Medicine, University of Natal. Results A total of 219 women were interviewed: 111 from Nhlungwane and 108 from KwaXimba. The demographic characteristics of respondents were similar, so aggregate data are presented. The average age of respondents was 25.8 years (range: 16-44, SD=8.6). Respondents had an average of 8 years of schooling; 56.1% were seeking employment, 19.7% were employed, and 24.2% were students. All respondents had heard of HIV and AIDS. Although correct knowledge of modes of transmission was high, there were a few common misconceptions, including that transmission can occur through sharing utensils (38.8%) and donating blood (59.8%). Many women (79.9%) believed that AIDS could be cured. Only 4.1% knew someone who was infected with HIV, although 12.3% thought that there were people with HIV in their community. Most of the respondents in both communities were sexually active (88.1%). The majority of the sex partners of respondents (73%) were semi- or unskilled laborers who also supported them financially. Ninety-seven percent of sexually active respondents reported that they received money from their sex partners. Marriage was rare in both communities (24.6%), with the majority of the sexually active women in relationships that varied from a few months to several years. The majority of the sexually active respondents in the peri-urban community saw their partners daily, and those in the rural community saw their sex partners less frequently (at least once a week). Sex partners of respondents from the rural community tended to be migrant workers in the larger cities. Although self-reporting of current (11.4%) and past (16.6%) multiple partners was low, 53% of the respondents from both communities thought that it was common for women to have multiple sex partners simultaneously for the following reasons: need for money (53.4%), need for housing (6.0%), retribution for partner's infidelity (13.8%), and sexual satisfaction (11.2%). Nearly 55% of respondents believed that men have a right to multiple partners. About a third of sexually active respondents (n=193) perceived themselves to be at risk of HIV infection (33.3% in Nhlungwane and 27.8% in KwaXimba). In contrast, 55% of respondents from Nhlungwane and 37.0% from KwaXimba perceived their partners to be at risk of HIV infection. Thirty-six percent of the sexually active respondents (n=193) had discussed HIV/ AIDS with their partners, and none had discussed AIDS with their children. All of these participants and their partners were under 25. Although the condom's role in HIV prevention was widely recognized (94.5%), condom use was rare in both communities. Only 12.8% of respondents had ever used a condom, and about a third (30.6%) had never seen a condom. Reasons for condom use among regular users (n=21) were fertility control or disease prevention or both. It was more likely for partners (n=14) to have suggested condom use than it was for respondents (n=7) or for the couple to have decided together (n=7). Partners obtained condoms from public health facilities. Ninety-six of the 165 respondents who were sexually active but not currently using condoms (58.2%) would have liked their partners to use condoms. Yet 93.9% of these respondents believed that asking their partners to use condoms indicated a lack of trust, 26.1% believed that condoms harm women, 70.9% thought that their partners would think that they were unfaithful, and 54.5% indicated that they would have difficulty disposing of used condoms. However, 52.1% of the respondents indicated that if their partners suggested condom use they would agree. Sixty-six percent of respondents who were not condom users indicated that they would have difficulty asking their partners to use condoms, and 82.4% did not know how to use condoms. Fifty-three percent of the women reported that their partners usually consume alcohol before sex, which made discussion of safer sex practices difficult. About half the women (51.5%) said their partners would get angry if they were asked to use condoms, 29.7% said their partners would leave them, and 28.5% said their partners would threaten violence. Reasons respondents cited for not wanting their partners to use condoms (n=69) included partner would disagree (29%), partner dislikes condoms (23.2%), and there was no need as they were not at risk (47.8%). About half of the women felt they had the right to
refuse sex (51.2%) or to insist on condom use (53.9%) with partners who
put them at risk of HIV. Other factors that influenced women staying with
partners who placed them at high risk of HIV infection included: financial
dependence on partners to support their children (25.2%), fear of
rejection by family (5.2%), and love (18.7%). Women in both these communities are at high risk of HIV infection because of their own and their partners' sexual behavior. We found that the high levels of correct knowledge of HIV did not influence the adoption of safer sex practices, as have other studies. [20,21] Women's perceptions of their right to safer sex practices are critically important to reducing sexual risk. [22] About half the respondents in this study did not believe that they have a right to such safer sex practices as refusing to have sex with their partners or insisting on condom use if they thought they were at risk of HIV infection. Furthermore, about half of the women in the peri-urban settlement and more than half of the women in the rural community believed that men have a right to multiple partners. Researchers in other African countries [23-25] have also found that a prevailing belief that sex is a man's prerogative is a major barrier to the successful adoption of HIV risk reduction measures. We found, as have several others, [26,27] that violence or the threat of violence is a strong deterrent to adopting risk reduction measures. Alcohol consumption has been shown to be associated with riskier sexual practices, [28] and women from both the peri-urban and rural communities reported that their partners usually consumed alcohol before sex, which made discussions about safer sex practices difficult. The low perception of personal risk could be influenced partly by the prevalent belief that AIDS can be cured and by inadequate recognition that if your partner is at risk, so are you. Recognizing personal risk is important to adopting preventive measures, [29,30] and the denial of personal risk in this study is cause for concern. Although 88.1% of the women were sexually active, few were in mutually faithful, lifelong relationships (as indicated by the proxy marker of marriage). An HIV seroprevalence survey in another rural community in KwaZulu-Natal found that women who saw their sex partners less than 10 days a month were 15 times more likely to be infected with HIV than were women who saw their partners more frequently. About half [31] of the women in the peri-urban community and about three-quarters of the women in the rural community saw their sex partners less than 10 days a month. Limited economic opportunities force men to seek employment away from their homes and communities. This separates partners and families for varying lengths of time and encourages the establishment of sexual relationships at the place of employment, thus facilitating the spread of STDs between communities. [32] Condom use was rare and inconsistent in both communities, and the majority of women in both communities lacked skills in condom use. An important tension identified in relation to condom use was that between the women's health and intimacy and trust. An additional issue is the importance of childbearing in these communities, which is a strong deterrent to condom use. Other research has shown that a woman's ability to have children is central to her status and worth in the relationship, [33,34] and the use of condoms in stable partnerships undermines this fundamental basis of the relationship. The majority of the women in both communities received money from their partners, and these relationships form part of their survival strategy. Their exclusion from the formal economy, high rates of unemployment, and few years of education limited their opportunities for economic independence. More in-depth and longitudinal data on the factors that influence sexual debut, partner acquisition, sexual networking and partner selection, stability and exclusivity of relationships, and initiation into risky sexual behaviors, from both male and female perspectives, will be needed to identify strategies for risk reduction. Research on men and couples could add substantially to a deeper understanding of the issues highlighted in this study. Qualitative studies conducted more recently in South Africa have found that the intersection of gender and race, class, and culture appears to play a significant role in the way women in South Africa have been infected and affected by HIV/AIDS. [36-39] Although this cross-sectional study was undertaken when the HIV epidemic was largely silent in KwaZulu-Natal and South Africa and it provides data from women only, it does provide some important clues to the challenges that face these women with respect to adopting safer sex practices. Increasing women's access to power and resources is the ultimate strategy to reduce women's vulnerability to HIV. The contributions of Drs. E. Preston-Whyte, N. C.
Dhlamini-Zuma, I. Susser, Z. Stein, and S. S. Abdool Karim and of Ms. N.
Morar are gratefully acknowledged. My appreciation to the 3 anonymous
reviewers for their invaluable comments on an earlier draft of this paper.
This study was supported in part by the International Center for Research
on Women through a grant from the Offices of Health and Women in
Development, Bureau of Global Programs, Program and Support and Research; US
Agency for International Development (DPE-5972-A-00-0036-00); the
Fogarty International Center (TWO-0231); and the South
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