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Report: War and Occupation in Iraq
Chapter 2:
Attacks on Cities
Global Policy Forum and partners
January 2007
When we identify
positively an enemy target, we're going to go ahead and take it out with
every means we have available. I like to remember what Viscount Slim said
during the
Burma
campaign. He said, "Use a sledgehammer to crush a walnut." And
that's exactly what we will do. We will use force, overwhelming combat
power when it's necessary. -
US
Major General Charles H. Swannack Jr. [1]
The US Coalition has used overwhelming military force
to attack Iraqi cities on grounds that they were “insurgent
strongholds.” The offensives, involving air and ground bombardment and
armored assaults, have resulted in the displacement of hundreds of
thousands of people, large civilian casualties and colossal destruction of
the urban physical infrastructure (making most affected cities at least
partly uninhabitable). In addition to the two well-known offensives
against Falluja in April and November 2004, there have been assaults on a
number of other cities, including Najaf (April and August 2004), Tal Afar
(September 2004 and September 2005), Samarra (October 2004), al-Qaim
(April-May 2005), Haditha (May 2005), Samarra (October 2004 and March
2006), and Ramadi (June-July 2006). These operations have affected more
than two million people [2] and have clearly violated numerous articles of
the Geneva Conventions.
Prelude to the Attack: Sealed-off Cities and Heavy
Curfews
In preparation for impending military operations,
Coalition forces have routinely encircled the targeted areas with sandbags
and earthen barricades, as well as barriers of razor wire, to control all
entry and exit. In massive operations, with thousands of troops,
helicopters and armored construction vehicles, they have surrounded the
areas, cordoned them off, closed highways and streets, and set up
roadblocks and checkpoints. In the case of Tal Afar, for example, the
attacking forces built an 8-foot high, 12-mile long dirt wall that ringed
the entire city. [3]
Beleaguered residents have been subject to intensive
screening at check points, in order to enter and leave their cities [4]
and they have been required to carry special identification cards. At the
checkpoints, many have been arbitrarily arrested or detained, while others
have been denied access for insufficient documents. “We are like birds
in a cage,” said a resident of Abu Hishma to the New York Times,
complaining of the humiliation endured. [5]
In Falluja, beginning immediately before the November
2004 siege, the US Coalition imposed a strict curfew, including
restriction of movement within the city of all men under 45 years of age.
[6] Similar curfews were imposed on Ramadi, Tal Afar and many other
cities. The UN reported that road closings and curfews in Ramadi raised
prices and created a shortage of basic supplies in early July 2006 before
the main attacks on the city began. [7] The
village
of
Abu Hishma
was locked down for 15 hours a day, preventing residents from going to the
mosque for prayers and badly disrupted many families' livlihoods. [8]
US
forces have routinely fired on any moving person or vehicle after the
curfew. [9]
These operations have given US Coalition troops
complete control of all movement into and out of the cities, including all
goods and supplies, water, food, medicines, and emergency assistance of
all kinds. This “sealing off” strategy seeks to isolate insurgents and
show ordinary civilians the heavy cost of not cooperating with Coalition
forces. Lieutenant Colonel Nathan Sassaman described the approach quite
bluntly in the early months of the occupation: “With a heavy dose of
fear and violence, and a lot of money for projects, I think we can
convince these people that we are here to help them.” [10]
Forced Evacuation and Those Who Remain
In preparation for the offensives, the
US
and its allies have issued warnings of impending military operations to
the civilian population, urging residents to leave their homes and abandon
the urban area. The resulting massive displacement has put tens and even
hundreds of thousands of civilian at risk, while creating an excuse for
free-fire zones within the target area. [11] In Tal-Afar, US forces played
messages over loudspeakers warning residents to evacuate, while starting
to bomb the neighborhood of Sarai. [12] Most of the population (80 percent
according to Jon Brain, the BBC's correspondent in
Baghdad
[13] ) eventually fled to escape the heavy fighting.
In many other cases, similarly large percentages of the
urban population have left their homes and fled. The most fortunate could
seek refuge with out-of-town relatives, but the great majority were forced
to stay in temporary shelters and camps, which were eventually set up for
the displaced persons by the Red Crescent, the UN or the Iraqi government.
In Falluja, a city of about 300,000, over 216,600 displaced persons had to
seek shelter in overcrowded camps during the winter months, inadequately
supplied with food, water and medical care. [14] Those fleeing al-Qaim, a
city of about 150,000, totaled some 100,000 persons, according to the
Iraqi Red Crescent Society (IRCS). [15] People in Ramadi estimated that
about 70 percent of the city’s population of 400,000 left in advance of
the
US
onslaught. [16]
While many have left the cities, significant numbers
have remained – an estimated 50,000 in Falluja [17] and more than
100,000 in Ramadi. [18] Coalition forces have assumed that those remaining
are insurgents or sympathizers. But those staying behind have included
large numbers of civilians, unable or unwilling to abandon their homes,
including the old, the sick, and the fearful.
Cut-Off of Water, Food and Electricity
The Coalition has repeatedly denied water to the
residents of Iraqi cities under siege, including Falluja, Tal Afar and
Samarra
, affecting up to 750,000 civilians. [19] Water is the most basic
necessity, because humans can only survive a short time without it. Many
families have only limited emergency storage and cannot survive long once
the central supply has been cut. Along with water, the Coalition has cut
off electricity (which may be used to power local wells), and also food
and medical supplies, creating a state of siege and an emerging
humanitarian crisis for the entire remaining civilian population of the
target cities.
In September 2004, the US “turned off” water
supplies to Tal Afar “for at least three days,” according to the Washington
Post. [20] In October 2004, the Independent reported that “US-led
forces cut off power and water” in
Samarra
. [21] And in November 2004, the UN reported a similar cut-off of vital
necessities in Falluja, “directly affecting civilians (approximately
50,000 people then remaining inside [the city]) for whom water is a basic
need and a fundamental human right.” [22] Supplies of basic necessities
were unavailable within Falluja for many days and were withheld by the
Coalition even from the displaced citizens in camps outside, again
according to the UN. [23] The UN more recently reported that in early July
2006, US forces imposed a “total blockade” of Rutba “for
approximately four days” followed by subsequent blockades
“intermittently.” [24]
These methods seem to be part of a deliberate policy of
collective punishment, with the goal of forcing civilians to leave and
pressing them to turn over insurgent fighters. [25] In some cases, the
Coalition has used the siege openly as a bargaining tool. In
Ramadi
,
US
and Iraqi forces reportedly told residents that they would not get water,
electricity, telephones and other services back unless they would hand
over “the terrorists.” [26] According to Lieutenant Colonel Hassan al-Medan,
the Iraqi spokesperson for the operation in Najaf, “if we allow the
entrance of food and medicines to the city we are just feeding the
insurgents” [27] – this in spite of thousands of civilians still
within the area.
In his annual report to the Human Rights Commission in
March 2005, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Jean Ziegler,
denounced such practices. [28] Ziegler later said in a press conference
that the “Coalition's occupying forces are using hunger and deprivation
of water as a weapon of war against the civilian population,” calling
this “a flagrant violation of international humanitarian law.” [29]
Confinement of Journalists and Blockage of Media
Coverage
Prior to the major assaults, commanders of the
Coalition have prevented journalists from entering the targeted cities.
All media workers not “embedded” with US forces have been banned for
the duration of the battle and usually a long time afterwards. Sometimes,
even embedded media have been refused access. This gives the Coalition
almost complete control over international public perceptions of what is
happening on the battlefield.
Preceding
US
military operations in Najaf in August 2004, Iraqi police encircled a
hotel where journalists were staying, ordering them to leave the city and
threatening to arrest all those who did not comply with the order. [30]
While claiming that the ban was based on concerns for the safety of the
journalists, police officers said they would confiscate all cell phones
and cameras. [31] In Falluja, the
US
military banned all non-embedded journalists from the city. Reports have
claimed that journalists and camera crews were arrested and their
equipment confiscated, without explanation, before being released later
without charges. [32]
Reporters Without Borders, referring to Najaf,
condemned "the totally unacceptable imposition of an information
blackout" and insisted that “the presence of journalists on the
spot is indispensable, as the worst atrocities are always committed in the
absence of witnesses.” [33]
Massive Bombardment
While Coalition forces have inflicted prolonged and
intensive air and ground bombardment on these cities, destroying thousands
of homes, shops, mosques, clinics and schools, and – inevitably –
killing and injuring many civilians. [34] The strategy of massive and
indiscriminate bombardment, in advance of ground offensives, has reduced
the number of Coalition casualties, at a heavy cost in life and injury to
the remaining city residents.
The Washington Post reported that in Falluja, an
“official, who spoke on condition of anonymity, described 12 hours of
overnight strikes by American helicopters, fighter-bombers, field
artillery and tanks as ‘shaping operations.’ Military commanders use
the term as shorthand for battlefield preparation, combat operations
specifically intended to remove enemy strong points in advance of an
assault.” [35] In Falluja, the air strikes began on the first day of
Ramadan, the Muslim holy month and continued for many days. In Najaf, US
Marines bombarded the cemetery near the famous Imam Ali Shrine as well as
much of the city center, in a massive attack backed by aircraft and tanks.
In
Ramadi
,
US
forces carried out intensive bombardment, targeting the city's power
stations, water treatment facilities, and water pipes, leaving many
destroyed houses and no civilian services functioning. [36]
US military aircraft have destroyed large areas of the
cities. Reports have spoken of leveling whole blocks and even multi-block
areas. [37] “Those who have witnessed US aircraft firing missiles into
packed tenements in
Sadr
City
, and have seen the resulting carnage, treat claims of ‘precision
strikes’ … with deep skepticism” commented the London-based Independent
newspaper. [38]
Air strikes and artillery bombardment are typically
indiscriminate. According to an Iraq Body Count study on the lethality of
different types of weapons, aircraft attacks have been responsible for the
largest proportion of children killed. [39] In addition to massive
bombardment with high explosives, there is clear evidence of the use of
illegal weaponry in these ferocious urban attacks.[40]
Snipers and Violent Searches
After extensive bombardment, armed forces storm into
the cities with columns of tanks and other armored vehicles, taking over
buildings and carrying out house-to-house searches. They often use violent
methods to enter the houses, such as setting off an explosive or knocking
down part of the front wall with a military vehicle. [41]
The
US
military has increasingly relied on snipers to back-up infantry patrols.
While portrayed as a precise high-tech method to avoid civilian
casualties, sniper teams often fire at anyone moving in the streets, in
gardens or even inside of buildings. Everyone is treated in the besieged
cities as a suspect. Using night goggles and special high-power scopes,
snipers shoot at any moving object, which might be a civilian going out in
desperate search for food or water, seeking medical care, escaping a
collapsing building, or trying to leave the city. During the siege of
Falluja in April 2004, the Guardian reported that US snipers shot
an elderly woman carrying a white flag, as well as an ambulance and an aid
worker delivering medical supplies on foot. [42] The UN reported that, in
August 2006, snipers in Ramadi shot thirteen civilians who had breached
the curfew, killing six and injuring seven just in one district —al-Eakan
al-Jadida. [43]
Attacks on Medical Facilities and Prevention of
Humanitarian Assistance
Coalition troops have targeted medical facilities
during urban offensives, and repeatedly destroyed and confiscated
ambulances, making emergency care nearly impossible. They have also
blocked access to humanitarian convoys trying to enter cities, obstructing
the work of humanitarian agencies trying to assess needs and deliver
relief supplies. [44]
In
Fallujah
,
US
troops “destroyed a civilian hospital in a massive air raid, captured
the main hospital and prohibited the use of ambulances.” [45] All the
medical personal were arrested and the patients removed. Similarly, as the
US
prepared to launch a major assault on Najaf, Al-Hakeem hospital was
“taken over as a coalition military base, off limits to civilians.”
[46] Coalition forces did the same in Ramadi in the summer of 2006, when
they captured the city’s General Hospital, endangering the sick and
rendering health care impossible.[47] According to the UN, troops captured
the city’s Specialized Hospital on July 5 and held it more than a week
until July 13, after which time they withdrew but set up a patrol outside.
Further UN reports have spoken of Coalition snipers stationed on the roof
of the
Ramadi General
Hospital
, troops quartered in the hospital garden, and fearful residents avoiding
the hospital altogether, while in Tal Afar, the UN reported that the city
hospital has been "occupied" for six months. [48]
Coalition forces have also prevented medical and
humanitarian relief agencies from entering besieged cities, preventing
them from bringing urgent assistance to the population. In
Samarra
, in March 2006, US troops turned back the Iraqi Red Crescent
Committee’s aid convoys, leaving hundreds of families, including
children, without medical assistance and basic supplies. [49]
Najaf’s top health official Falah Al-Mahani reported
that the attack was causing "a real catastrophe" for local
health services. “Ambulances are prevented from reaching the injured
people," he said. “Our staff are not able to reach their hospitals.
We are paralyzed.” [50] As a result, a far higher proportion of injured
civilians have died or suffered serious bodily damage than if medical care
had been available.
Civilian Casualties
US-led military operations in populated areas have
caused scores of civilian deaths and injuries. People have been killed by
ordnance explosions, collapsing buildings, fires, sniper shots and many
other results of the attacks. While Coalition forces claim that most of
those killed in attacks are men of military-age, many witnesses and other
accounts report that many, if not most, of the victims in these operations
have been women, children and the elderly. “The United Nations has been
unable to obtain accurate figures concerning civilian losses following
such operations but reports received from civil society organizations,
medical sources and other monitors indicate that they are significant and
include women and children,” [51] said a report by UNAMI in 2005.
During just the first week of the siege on Falluja in
April 2004, the city
General
Hospital
’s Director Rafie al-Issawi reported that over 600 people had died, most
of them women, children and the elderly. [52] In Najaf too, “the total
number killed was 570 with 785 injured. These statistics were taken from
local hospitals and didn't include bodies buried in homes or elsewhere
during the fighting.” [53] Using accounts from tribal leaders, medical
personnel and local witnesses, the Washington Post calculated that
“Operation Steel Curtain,” a
US
offensive in November 2005, included bombings that killed 97 civilians in
Husaybah, 40 in al-Qaim, 18 children in Ramadi, and many others in
additional cities and villages. [54]
Amnesty International and other human rights
organizations have expressed concern at the growing number of civilian
casualties due to the extremely violent
US
counter-insurgency operations. [55] The rising use of air strikes, which
grew five-fold in 2005, has greatly increased the likelihood of civilian
deaths in the battles over urban areas. [56]
Massive Destruction
Heavy fighting has led to fearful destruction in the
cities under attack, including historical and religious sites, as well as
civilian infrastructure, including water, electricity and sewage systems.
US-led forces have bombed and even bulldozed numerous buildings, either as
part of offensives or as retaliation against civilians who do not give
information about insurgents. [57]
In Falluja, Operation Phantom Fury left the city in
ruins, as a “ghost town.” The
Study
Center
for Human Rights and Democracy (SCHRD), a Falluja-based non-governmental
organization, reports that the offensive destroyed an estimated 70 percent
of the buildings, homes and shops. [58] Speaking in a press conference
about the scale of destruction in Najaf, Minister of State Qassim Daoud
said: “It is horrible and it is difficult to know where to start.”
[59] Officials in Najaf told IRIN, that “a total of 72 shops, 50
hotels, 90 homes, three schools and dozens of cars were destroyed in the
fighting.” [60] They said “there has also been massive destruction of
the historic old part of the city, some of it impossible to repair.”
[61]
In the Ramadi operation of 2006, “instead of
continuing to fight for the downtown, or rebuild it,” the New York
Times reported, Coalition forces “are going to get rid of it, or at
least a very large part of it.” [62] US Department of Defense newspaper Stars
and Stripes reports that at least eight blocks of buildings were
razed. “We’re used to taking down walls, doors and windows, but eight
city blocks is something new to us,” [63] admitted Marine 1st Lieutanant
Ben Klay who took part in the demolition work in Ramadi.
With power, water and sewage systems dysfunctional and
most buildings in ruins, many of these cities will remain only marginally
habitable for a long time to come, in spite of announced (but largely
un-implemented) reconstruction programs.
“Joint” Military Operations and Criticism by
Iraqi Authorities
Increasingly, military operations against Iraqi cities
are portrayed by US commanders as joint operations between US and Iraqi
forces, as a way of making the sieges more palatable to Iraqi and
international opinion. Officially, US troops only “back-up” Iraqi
forces or the two are said to carry out operations jointly. Observers say,
though, that the
US
always takes the lead and there is little coordination between Iraqi and
US troops.
In fact, Iraqi government authorities have often been
critical of the operations and condemned the conduct of US forces. After a
week of heavy fighting in August 2004,
Iraq
’s Interim Deputy President Ibrahim Al-Jaafari “call[ed] for
multinational forces to leave Najaf and for only Iraqi forces to remain
there.” [64] Deputy Governor of Najaf, Jawdat Kadhim Najam al-Quraishi,
followed by 16 of the 30 members of the Najaf Provincial Council, resigned
in protest against the assault. [65]
In the case of Falluja, feelings in
Iraq
ran very high and several members of the Iraq Governing Council criticized
the attacks and threatened to resign if the
US
commanders did not halt the operation. Adnan Pachachi, a leading member of
the IGC qualified the operation “as illegal and totally unacceptable.”
[66] And Ghazi Yawar, another prominent member said: “How can a
superpower like the United States put itself in a state of war with a
small city like Falluja. This is genocide.” [67]
In a statement on government television in August 2006,
Iraq
’s Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki sharply criticized US-Iraqi raids on
Baghdad
's
Sadr
City
, saying that such operations “violate the rights of citizens.”
“This operation used weapons that are unreasonable to detain someone –
like using planes,” he said, before apologizing to the Iraqi people. He
promised “this won't happen again.” [68]
These public statements signal serious differences
between Iraqi politicians and US military commanders and they show how
little control the sovereign and elected Iraqi government has over these
offensives. Iraqi official opposition has not stopped the
US
military from continuing these campaigns.
Conclusion
International law sets clear standards for the conduct
of military operations. The Geneva Conventions prohibit attacks which do
not clearly distinguish between military targets and civilians, or have a
disproportionate impact on civilians. Coalition military operations have
clearly violated these laws, with massive displacement of populations,
indiscriminate killings of civilians, and large-scale destruction of
habitation and urban infrastructure, including historic buildings and
religious sites. Coalition forces have violated further provisions of the
Conventions by deliberately targeting hospitals, stopping emergency
medical care and blocking the delivery of humanitarian aid. In further
violation of the prohibition of “siege tactics,” they have deprived
civilians of food, water, electricity, medical supplies and vital
services. Such practices have inflicted collective punishment on Iraqis.
Taken together they represent a grave violation of international
humanitarian law.
Prior to the November 2004 attack on Falluja, UN
Secretary General Kofi Annan wrote to President Bush and Prime Minister
Blair, expressing his “particular concern about the safety and
protection of civilians.” He continued: “Fighting is likely to take
place mostly in densely populated urban areas, with an obvious risk of
civilian casualties...” [69] Shortly afterwards, while the Falluja siege
was still going on, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour
called for an investigation into possible war crimes. [70] The
United States
and its partners ignored these warnings about the risk to civilians and
war crimes. They continued with attacks on these and other Iraqi
population centers.
Footnotes
[1] Major General Charles H. Swannack, Jr., Commander,
82nd Airborne Division. Special Operational Briefing from
Baghdad
(November 18, 2003)
[2] The pre-attack population of the named cities comes to about two
million. This does not include other urban targets, notably the very
populous
Sadr
City
neighborhood of
Baghdad
that has sustained several attacks, including a major operation in
August-September 2004.
[3] Speech by George W. Bush. President Discusses War on Terror and
Operation Iraqi Freedom Renaissance Cleveland Hotel (March 2006)
[4] American Friends Service Committee, “The Price of Forgetting
(January 20, 2005)
[5] Dexter Wilkins, “Tough New Tactics by US Tighten Grip on Iraq
Towns” New York Times (December 7, 2003)
[6] United Nations, Emergency Working Group -- Falluja Crisis, “Update
Note” (November 11, 2004)
[7] UNAMI, Human Rights Report (July 1- August 31, 2006) p. 12
[8] Dexter Wilkins, “Tough New Tactics by US Tighten Grip on Iraq
Towns” New York Times (December 7, 2003)
[9] For example see: B. Dominick, “In Fallujah , US Declares War on
Hospitals, Ambulances” New Standard (November 12, 2004)
[10] Cited in Dexter Wilkins, “Tough New Tactics by US Tighten Grip on
Iraq Towns” New York Times (December 7, 2003)
[11] According to the US Army Field Manual FM 6-20, a free-fire zone is
“a specific designated area into which any weapon system may fire
without additional coordination with the establishing headquarters.” The
term has generally been expanded to include combat zone in which anyone
unidentified is considered an enemy combatant, or areas in which soldiers
can shoot at anyone moving around after curfew, without first making sure
that they are hostile.
[12] Jonathan Finer, “US Forces Chase Ghost Fighters Amid Iraqis”
Washington Post (September 9, 2005)
[13] Cited in “Iraq to Clear ‘Insurgent Town’” BBC (September 9,
2005)
[14] United Nations, Emergency Working Group – Falluja Crisis (December
19, 2004)
[15] As cited in “Iraq: Displaced in the West Need More” United
Nations Integrated Regional Information Networks (November 16, 2005)
[16] Yasin al-Dulaimi and Daud Salman, “Ramadi: Mass Exodus Amid Rising
Tensions” Institute for War and Peace Reporting (June 15, 2006)
[17] United Nations, Emergency Working Group -- Falluja Crisis, “Update
Notes” (November 11, 2004 and November 13, 2004)
[18] Yasin al-Dulaimi and Daud Salman, “Ramadi: Mass Exodus Amid Rising
Tensions” Institute for War and Peace Reporting (June 15, 2006)
[19] Daniel O’Huiginn and Alison Klevnas, “Denial of Water to Iraqi
Cities” Cambridge Solidarity with Iraq. (November 2004)
[20] Steve Fainaru, “After Recapturing N. Iraqi City, Rebuilding Starts
from Scratch”
Washington
Post. (September 19, 2004)
[21] Ken Sengupta, “Onslaught in Samarra Escalates in 'Dress Rehearsal'
for Major US Assault on Rebels'” Independent (October 3, 2004)
[22] United Nations, Emergency Working Group -- Falluja Crisis, “Update
Notes” (November 11, 2004 and November 13, 2004)
[23] As per November 22, 2004, “The water system remains turned off, and
PDS distribution has not resumed in either Falluja or for IDPs in the
area.” United Nations, Emergency Working Group – Falluja Crisis,
“Update Note” (November 22, 2004)
[24] UNAMI Human Rights Report (July 1 – August 31, 2006) p. 12
[25] Daniel O’Huiginn and Alison Klevnas, “Denial of Water to Iraqi
Cities”
Cambridge
Solidarity with
Iraq
(November 2004)
[26] Dahr Jamail, “Fallujah Delux” ZNet. (June 15, 2006)
[27] As cited in “Urgent Aid Required as Displacement Increases in
Talafar” United Nations Integrated Regional Information Networks
(September 14, 2004)
[28] United Nations, Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Right to
Food, Jean Ziegler, to the Human Rights Commission (January 24, 2005)
Document E/CN.4/2005/47
[29] “UN Food Envoy Says Coalition Breaking Law in Iraq” Reuters
(October 14, 2005)
[30] Adrian Blomfield, “Police Fire at Reporters as US Tanks Roll Up To
Shrine” Telegraph (August 16, 2004)
[31] “Iraq Evicts Reporters from Najaf” Associated Press (August 16,
2004)
[32] Reporters Without Borders, Annual Report (2004)
[33] “New Blackout in Najaf Deplored” Reporters Without Borders
(August 15, 2004)
[34] Amnesty International, Iraq: Civilians under Fire (April 2003)
[35] Karl Vick, “Fallujah Strikes Herald Possible Attack” Washington
Post (October 16, 2004)
[36] Brian Conley, “Ramadi Becomes Another Fallujah” Inter Press
Service. (June 5, 2006)
[37] Michael Schwartz, “A Formula for Slaughter: The American Rules of
Engagement from the Air” TomDispatch.com. (January 6, 2006)
[38] Ken Sengupta, “Onslaught in Samarra Escalates in 'dress Rehearsal'
for Major US Assault on Rebels'” Independent (October 3, 2004)
[39] Iraq Body Count, A Dossier on Civilian Casualties in Iraq (2003-2005)
[40] See Chapter 3 of this report
[41] World Health Organization, Detailed Situation Report in Talafar
(August 19, 2005)
[42] Jo Wilding, “Getting Aid Past US Snipers Is Impossible” Guardian
(April 17, 2004)
[43] UNAMI, Human Rights Report (July 1- August 31, 2006) p. 13
[44] For example, see “Medical Need Massive in Fallujah – Red
Crescent” United Nations Integrated Regional Information Networks
(November 10, 2004)
“‘We have supplies and people who want to help. People are dying due
to the shortage of medical materials and other needing food and water, but
you have to watch them die because US troops do not let you go in,’
[spokesman for the Iraq Red Crescent Society (IRCS), Firdoos ] al-Abadi
added.”
[45] Brian Dominick, “In Fallujah , US Declares War on Hospitals,
Ambulances” New Standard (November 12, 2004)
[46] Scott Baldauf, “The Battle of Najaf” Christian Science Monitor
(August 9, 2004)
[47] Antonio Castaneda, “US Marines Take Over Iraq Hospital”
Associated Press (July 6, 2006)
[48] UNAMI, Human Rights Report (July 1- August 31, 2006) p. 12, UNAMI,
Human Rights Report (November 1-December 31, 2006) p. 27, and UNAMI, Human
Rights Report (July 1-August 31, 2005), p. 5.
[49] “Aid Agencies Unable to Enter Samarra” United Nations Integrated
Regional Information Networks (March 22, 2006)
[50] Cited in Chris Shumway, “More Reports of US War Crimes in Najaf as
Major Assault Looms” New Standard (August 11, 2004)
[51] UNAMI, Human Rights Report (September 1 – October 31, 2005)
[52] Abdul-Qader Saadi, “Fallujah Death Toll for Week More than 600”
Associated Press (April 12, 2004)
[53] “Cost of Iraq Reconstruction Calculated” United Nations
Integrated Regional Information Networks (September 8, 2004)
[54] Ellen Knickmeyer, “US Airstrikes Take Toll on Civilians”
Washington Post (December 24, 2005)
[55] For example, see Amnesty International, Iraq: End Bloodshed and
Killing of Children (October 1, 2004)
[56] Ellen Knickmeyer, “US Airstrikes Take Toll on Civilians”
Washington Post (December 24, 2005)
[57] For example, see Patrick Cockburn, “US Soldiers Bulldoze Farmers'
Crops” Independent (October 12, 2003)
[58] Cited in Dahr Jamail and Ali Fadhil, “Rebuilding? Not for Fallujah”
Inter Press Service (June 25, 2006)
[59] “Clean-up Process Starts in Najaf Following Fighting” United
Nations Integrated Regional Information Networks (August 31, 2004)
[60] “Cost of Iraq Reconstruction Calculated” United Nations
Integrated Regional Information Networks (September 8, 2004)
[61] “Cost of Iraq Reconstruction Calculated” United Nations
Integrated Regional Information Networks (September 8, 2004)
[62] Dexter Wilkins, “In Ramadi, Fetid Quarters and Unrelenting
Battles” New York Times (July 5, 2006)
[63] Monte Morin, “US Troops Razing Ramadi Buildings to Renew
Security” Stars and Stripes (September 2, 2006)
[64] Cited in Maher Mohammad, “Iraq Urges US Troops to Leave Najaf”
Reuters (August 11, 2004)
[65] “Najaf Officials Quit in Protest” al-Jazeera. (August 13, 2004)
[66] “Iraqi Governing Council Members Denounce US Action” Radio Free
Europe (April 9, 2004)
[67] “Governing Council Blasts Fallujah ‘Genocide’” Financial
Times (April 10, 2004)
[68] Cited in Qassim Abdul-Zahra, “Iraq PM Criticizes US-Led Attack”
Associated Press (August 7, 2006)
[69] “Kofi Annan’s Letter: Fallujah Warning” BBC (November 6, 2004)
[70] Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, Statement read by
José Luis Dias, Spokesperson, at the regular press briefing held at the
UN Office in Geneva. (November 16, 2004)
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