The way forward for pension provision
By: Frank Field
Focus groups are
reporting to the government that pensions are the big issue with voters.
Many occupational final salary schemes have been closed to new workers; and
the recent roller-coaster ride in stock market valuations has shown how
precarious individual pension savings can be. The big welfare
success of the past 100 years has been the company pension scheme. A
successful pension reform programme should take this model and modernise it
to formulate a universal protected pension scheme, as the Pensions Reform
Group proposes in our new report*. The scheme
should not aim to provide a pension of two-thirds of a member's salary, as
with company schemes. Instead, we should set a realistic target of 25 to 30
per cent of national average earnings, costed by the government actuary, to
be linked to increases in earnings once in payment. Pensions are a
claim on future national income. They cannot be guaranteed but all main
political parties accept that building pensions savings and investing them
are more likely to be effective than relying exclusively on tax-based
schemes. A universal protected pension would have to be largely provided
from funds accrued from contributions but it should also incorporate the
national insurance basic state pension. Risks are
inevitable in any pension scheme that has contributions built up over 40
years or more, with benefits paid for about 20 years. Paul Myners, who
reported on pension funding to the government last year, stresses that a
universal pension scheme must spread the investment risk as widely as
possible - more widely than defined benefit occupational schemes, where the
risk is with the employer, and more widely than defined contribution
occupational schemes, where the employee faces the risk. Because
governments have a record of reneging on state pension schemes, any new
scheme should be kept at arm's length from the government. The granting of
independence to the Bank of England shows that it is possible for
institutions taking decisions that affect the whole country to fulfil their
aims without being leant on by the government. Kate Barker, a monetary
policy committee member, says the MPC demonstrates that it is possible for
an independent body to further policies, provided it is appropriately
accountable and transparent. The task of trustees would not be easy but the
MPC has shown that in-dependence from government can be a reality. Another proper
concern is the size to which a universal protected pension fund could grow.
The estimate is that at maturity in 70 years' time, it would probably
constitute between 5 and 10 per cent of the UK equity market. And while
trustees would be responsible for the fund, they could invite private sector
fund managers to man age parts of this portfolio. If trustees managed the
fund well, the scheme could allow either the pensions in payment to be
increased to up to 30 per cent of average earnings, or for contributions to
be reduced - or some combination of the two. Better pensions
cannot be provided in this country without increased contributions.
Financing the new pension would require a 2 percentage point increase in
employee national insurance contributions and aretirement age of 70 for the
very youngest workers in today's labour market. That contribution, together
with the national insurance rebate, would provide the funds for trustees to
invest. If workers on
lower incomes are to be brought within the scheme as full members, an
element of redistribution will also be required. Workers should pay their 2
per cent addition to national insurance up to the old ceiling of ý31,000,
so those earning higher wages would pay the most. The pension would be paid
as a proportion of national average earnings, meaning that the
redistribution would come through earnings-related contributions for a
flat-rate pension. The quid pro quo
is that higher-paid workers would get a decent first-tier pension guaranteed
to increase with earnings - something they could not buy in the private
market. We should not
dodge the issue of compulsion. However, there is a little-realised but
massively expensive compulsion in our present pensions arrangements.
Means-tested benefits for poor pensioners account for the equivalent of 5p
in the basic rate of income tax, a total of ý13bn next year - a real terms
increase of ý4bn a year since 1998. The government accepts that this cost
will rise to the equivalent of 14p in the pound or more by the time today's
younger workers are nearing retirement. The choice, therefore, is between
compulsion to build a pensions fund and compulsory tax bills to finance the
failure to guarantee everybody an adequate first-tier pension. These measures
offer the prospect of abolishing pensioner poverty. At present many millions
of people pay contributions for 40 or more years yet fail to gain a decent
minimum pension and suffer poverty in retirement. A single,
compulsory, universal protected pension scheme would cut through the layers
of complexity in which most pension contributors find themselves lost. It
would also make the task of private pension providers easier, as they would
cease to juggle with making up inadequate first-tier pension provision while
at the same time encouraging people to save enough for a comfortable
retirement. Most
perniciously, it currently pays perhaps half the working population not to
save for retirement and simply to rely on the goodwill of taxpayers to
supplement their inadequate income through the benefits system. A universal
scheme would lift people above such benefits, meaning that there would not
be a disincentive to making additional savings from the prospect of a loss
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