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House and Senate Pass Measures For
Broad Overhaul of Medicare By
ROBIN TONER and ROBERT PEAR New
York Times, June 27, 2003 WASHINGTON - After a severe test of President Bush's
influence on Capitol Hill, the Senate and the House today approved the
biggest expansion of Medicare since its creation nearly four decades ago,
passing legislation to provide prescription drug benefits to the elderly and
give private health plans a much larger role in the program. The House vote was 216 to 215 in a dramatic
roll-call that lasted more than 40 minutes, with the "nays"
outnumbering the "yeas," until several Republicans switched their
votes. Conservative Republicans joined most House Democrats in voting
against the bill in a setback for the Republican leadership and for
President Bush, who had lobbied intensely for the measure for months. The
vote came around 2:30 a.m., shortly after the Senate cleared its version of
the bill by an overwhelmingly bipartisan vote of 76 to 21. Senate Republican leaders hailed the legislation as
long overdue relief for the 40 million elderly and disabled Americans on
Medicare. "The bill we have just passed is nothing less than
historic," said Senator Bill Frist of Tennessee, the Republican leader. But many Democrats who voted for the bill said they
did so grudgingly. "It's not the kind of bill I would write," said
Senator Tom Daschle of South Dakota, the Democratic leader. He added, "We can simply no longer allow the
perfect to be the enemy of the good." The Congressional action breaks six years of
political gridlock, caused by fundamental disagreement over the proper role
of government in Medicare, which was created in 1965 as a pillar of
President Lyndon Johnson's Great Society. But the House and Senate bills differ in important
ways, suggesting that it will not be easy to produce a consensus measure.
The House bill, assembled almost entirely by Republicans, is more
conservative than the bipartisan Senate bill. In an effort to secure conservative support for the
Medicare bill, House Republican leaders combined it, at the last minute,
with a separate bill encouraging people of all ages to set up two types of
tax-exempt personal savings accounts to help pay medical expenses. By a vote
of 237 to 191, the House on Thursday approved the new savings accounts,
estimated to cost the Treasury $174 billion in lost revenue over the next
decade. The Senate bill has no such provision. Both the House and Senate bills are intended to
create a vibrant marketplace of private health plans to give the elderly new
alternatives to the traditional, government-run Medicare program. Both
versions are officially estimated to cost $400 billion over the next 10
years, though conservatives predicted that costs would soar beyond that
amount. A pivotal vote in the Senate came on Thursday on an
amendment that evenly split $12 billion between improvements in traditional
Medicare and more incentives to spur competition among private health plans.
Republicans wanted to help the private health plans. Democrats sought to
strengthen traditional Medicare with more benefits like preventive services
and chronic care. The coalition behind the Senate bill held on that
final test vote against challenges from both the left and the right. The
amendment was adopted by a vote of 71 to 26. The breakthrough on Medicare was, in part, a triumph
for President Bush, who clearly wants to sign the long-promised prescription
drug legislation before his re-election campaign. He pushed his party hard
in recent weeks, overcoming the reservations of many conservatives who
oppose the creation of a costly new entitlement. The House debate on the Medicare bill was brief,
partisan and bitter. Representative Bill Thomas, Republican of California,
said, "The out-of-date Medicare program fails to provide access to
affordable prescription drugs." Instead of providing such benefits, he
said, "Democrats would rather scare seniors and ignore their true
needs." Representative Jim McGovern, Democrat of
Massachusetts, countered, "This bill ends Medicare as we know it and
turns it into a convoluted, complicated voucher program." And
Representative Sander M. Levin, Democrat of Michigan, denounced the bill as
"a radical effort to dismantle Medicare." Republicans presented the new health savings
accounts as a way to encourage "personal responsibility and
savings," in the words of Representative J. D. Hayworth, Republican of
Arizona. Individuals could take tax deductions for their own contributions
and would not have to pay taxes on employer contributions to such accounts. But Representative Pete Stark, Democrat of
California, said the new accounts would be "tax shelters for the
wealthy and the healthy." Representative Louise M. Slaughter, Democrat
of New York, said the accounts "would threaten traditional
employer-based health care by encouraging companies to reduce their
employees' health coverage." Many Democrats backed the Senate bill with
reservations, as a first step to help the elderly with their prescription
drug costs. Senator Max Baucus of Montana, the chief Democratic
sponsor of the bill, described it on Thursday as "a down payment and a
beginning" that would be improved in years to come. Many Republicans described the House and Senate
bills as a first step toward "modernizing" an antiquated program
whose every detail is controlled by federal regulations. Both bills carry political risks. Critics assert
that the drug benefits will fall short of expectations. Moreover, they note,
both bills include substantial gaps in coverage, and both would require
higher copayments than workers are generally charged. For example, in the Senate bill, beneficiaries
typically pay a 50 percent copayment until their drug costs hit $4,500 in a
year; at that point, coverage stops. Beneficiaries are then responsible for
all drug costs until spending reaches about $5,800. At that point, Medicare
picks up 90 percent of the costs. Democrats have criticized that gap and a similar one
in the House bill, seeking to close them. But the bills' sponsors argued the
drug benefits were the best they could provide with the money available. Lawmakers in both parties are also worried about the
complexity of the new drug program and how the elderly will navigate it. The House and Senate bills rely on a new, largely
untested product: private stand-alone insurance policies that provide only
drug coverage, to be used by people in traditional Medicare, which still
serves 88 percent of Medicare's beneficiaries. Others would get drug
benefits through preferred provider organizations and health maintenance
organizations. Negotiations between the House and the Senate will
probably be contentious. The House bill would eventually require direct
competition between traditional Medicare and private health plans, a goal
many conservatives favor. That idea is anathema to Democrats, who argue that
private plans would draw the healthiest and wealthiest elderly, and
undermine the traditional program. There are other differences. Under the Senate bill,
the government would provide drug benefits in any region where fewer than
two private drug plans are available. The House bill includes no backup
mechanism. Many Democrats asserted that neither bill did enough
to control the cost of prescription drugs. But House Republicans said that a
little-noticed feature would indeed give elderly people access to lower drug
prices. In both the House and Senate bills, Medicare beneficiaries would
receive drug coverage through health plans and insurance companies
subsidized by the government. These insurers would pool the purchasing power
of their subscribers. As a result, said Representative J. Randy Forbes,
Republican of Virginia, Medicare beneficiaries would get "an upfront
discount of 25 percent" on many prescription drugs. Copyright ©
2002 Global Action on Aging
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